Showing posts with label Moral Equivalence. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Moral Equivalence. Show all posts

Sunday, August 20, 2017

Nasty, Poor, Solitary, Brutish, and Short

I’ve avoided chiming in on the post-Charlottesville discussion about whether or not it is appropriate to respond to Nazi and white supremacist violence with violence.  I think no one wants to hear what I have to say about this.  Conservatives are trying to make claims of moral equivalence stick.  Liberals and progressives are on about how we must unite, insisting that only love can conquer hate.  There’s certainly a lot of BS on both sides of this issue.  And I just can’t resist stepping in it.
    As is usual when I come to think about political matters, the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes is an important point of reference for me.  Hobbes reminds us that unless we find some way to escape the causes of human conflict—greed, fear, and glory—we will be in a war of all against all, and our lives will be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”  Thus, according to Hobbes, our first and most pressing concern should be to seek peace with our fellows, insofar as this is possible.  A look around the world, at almost any point in history, provides ample empirical confirmation of Hobbes’s claims.  Where people cannot live peaceably together, they cannot prosper.
     Hobbes argues that where peace is impossible, we may do whatever we think fit for our own defense.  Perhaps Hobbes goes a bit far here; some sort of restraint in one’s dealings with others might well be a necessary precondition for seeking peace.  But even if one rejects Hobbes’s dismal view of the human condition, it would seem that everyone can legitimately claim a right of self-defense.  If others are not willing to recognize my right to defend myself against attacks, I have very little incentive to seek peace with them.
     Indeed, I am inclined to think that we have at least a prima facie duty to defend ourselves.  To allow evil when there is something we can do about it, even evil done to ourselves, is morally questionable.  Peaceful resistance may, in particular cases, be tactically or strategically superior to a violent response, but it is not necessarily morally superior.  And despite all the prattle from preachers and progressives, simply standing together won’t stop those who are quite willing to resort to violence, and love doesn’t always (or, perhaps, even usually) trump hate.
     The clear truth, articulated by the protest leaders themselves, is this:  whoever threw the first punch in Charlottesville, it was the Nazis and white supremacists who initiated the violence.  When you march down the street in military garb, carrying shields and weapons (both clubs and firearms), chanting threats, and waving Nazi and Confederate flags, you have already crossed the line from expression to violence.  The leaders of the right wing protest in Charlottesville may insist that they were simply there to bring up ideas and provoke discussion, but this is entirely disingenuous.  They were clearly prepared for violence, and they behaved in ways calculated to incite it.  
     In legal terms, there is at least a prima facie case that the leaders, and perhaps the participants, are guilty of assault.  Contrary to popular understanding, an assault does not always require any sort of physical contact; threats or other behavior that puts a reasonable person in fear for their life or safety can be an assault.  Everyone knows what the flags and the chants mean.  Everyone knows what the Nazis and white supremacists want.  Any reasonable person would be afraid.  And some reasonable persons might well decide that the only way to protect themselves against this threat is to meet violence with violence.
     There are many reasons why one might not respond violently, apart from any commitment to nonviolence.  The law of assault varies from state to state, and, in any case, the law is not likely to accept claims of self-defense if the person making them threw the first punch.  Nonviolent resistance might be more politically efficacious in the short or long term.  The bastards might have you outnumbered, or outgunned.  And so on.  
     But it is not at all clear that non-violence is morally superior to violence in the current situation.  To return to Hobbes, the Nazis and the white supremacists have made it quite clear that they do not wish to seek peace.  They have, in fact, made it quite clear that they wish to make life nasty, poor, solitary, brutish, and short for a great many people.  We are at war with them, whether or not the shooting has started.  In war, morality inevitably becomes more complex and more elastic.
     It behooves us all to reflect on this matter.  Those of us who live in cities, or frequent college and university campuses, are quite likely to be faced with the choice of how to respond to Nazis and white supremacists in the near future, if we haven’t already.

     Meanwhile, here is some information about Nazis that you might find useful in making this decision.

Monday, November 14, 2016

Moral Equivalency

The argument is making the rounds that the folks protesting Trump’s victory and Clinton’s defeat are no different from the people who protested Obama’s election and refused to accept him as President.  This is generally understood to be not just a factual description, but rather a claim of some sort of moral equivalence.  Since it seems likely that the protests are going to go on for awhile, it seems worthwhile to examine this argument.
This sort of moral equivalency argument is not uncommon; for example, critics of US foreign policy will sometimes argue that our imprisoning and torturing and murdering and bombing and such are no better than that of our opponents.  Many people see a practical implication in this equivalence:  we should stop, lest we be simply hypocrites, or worse.  
This sort of argument can be quite persuasive.  Hypocrisy is a common, perhaps even universal political vice; for example, our last three presidents, potheads all, have seen fit to continue and even escalate the war on pot smokers.  And a central purpose of terrorism is to make people and nations behave in ways that make them no better than the terrorists.  It is not entirely implausible to argue that this strategy is working out pretty nicely for the terrorists these days. 
So, what about the moral equivalence of the protests against Obama and those against Trump?  That depends, I think, on how you view the following.  Obama and Clinton both put forth positive visions for the country, along with plans to achieve those visions.  Obama might have had secret plans to put white people in FEMA camps and take all their guns, but he didn’t campaign on this.  Clinton was certainly a corrupt politician, but she didn’t put this forward as a qualification.  (Full disclosure:  I didn’t agree with Clinton on most policy issues, and I was rather surprised that Obama apparently had no notion how actually to get anything done.)
Trump also presented a vision of the country’s future, one in which racism and sexism and religious intolerance figured prominently, and that he apparently planned to achieve by exhorting his followers to violence.  
Does this mean that the protests against Trump are (morally) different from those against Obama?  Does it mean that a vote for Clinton is not a vote for corruption, while a vote for Trump is a vote for racism, sexism, and violence?

I do not know what is in the hearts of protestors and Trump voters.  I do not know who is a racist or sexist, or who is just a sore loser.  But I do know that 50 million Americans voted for a candidate who openly and in the most vulgar manner offered his racism and sexism and religious intolerance as a reason to vote for him.  And having said that, I am not sure what else to say.